See what I mean? The War With Mexico: Speech in the United States H What Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves? This, sir, is General Washingtons consolidation. . But the gentleman apprehends that this will make the Union a rope of sand. Sir, I have shown that it is a power indispensably necessary to the preservation of the constitutional rights of the states, and of the people. Webster's second reply to Hayne, in January 1830, became a famous defense of the federal union: "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable." Just beneath the surface of this debate lay the elements of the developing sectional crisis between North and South. Daniel webster (ma) and sen. Hayne of . . I wish to see no new powers drawn to the general government; but I confess I rejoice in whatever tends to strengthen the bond that unites us, and encourages the hope that our Union may be perpetual. I am a Unionist, and in this sense a national Republican. It laid the interdict against personal servitude, in original compact, not only deeper than all local law, but deeper, also, than all local constitutions. But I take leave of the subject. . Most are forgettable, to put it charitably. Webster's description of the U.S. government as "made for the people, made by the people, and answerable to the people," was later paraphrased by Abraham Lincoln in the Gettysburg Address in the words "government of the people, by the people, for the people." The senator from Massachusetts, in denouncing what he is pleased to call the Carolina doctrine,[5] has attempted to throw ridicule upon the idea that a state has any constitutional remedy by the exercise of its sovereign authority against a gross, palpable, and deliberate violation of the Constitution. He called it an idle or a ridiculous notion, or something to that effect; and added, that it would make the Union a mere rope of sand. Under the circumstances then existing, I look upon this original and seasonable provision, as a real good attained. Ham, one of Noahs sons, saw him uncovered, for which Noah cursed him by making Hams son, Canaan, a slave to Ham's brothers. The militia of the state will be called out to sustain the nullifying act. They tell us, in the letter submitting the Constitution to the consideration of the country, that, in all our deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily in our view that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true Americanthe consolidation of our Unionin which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety; perhaps our national existence. 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The debate can be seen as a precursor to the debate that became . A four-speech debate between Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Robert Hayne of South Carolina, in January 1830. . Correct answers: 2 question: Which of the following is the best definition of a hypothesis? Shedding weak tears over sufferings which had existence only in their own sickly imaginations, these friends of humanity set themselves systematically to work to seduce the slaves of the South from their masters. . . . If I could, by a mere act of my will, put at the disposal of the federal government any amount of treasure which I might think proper to name, I should limit the amount to the means necessary for the legitimate purposes of the government. First, New England was vindicated. Post-Civil War, as the nation rebuilt and reconciled the balance between federal and state government, federal law became the supreme law of the land, just as Webster desired. . flashcard sets. Besides that, however, the federal government was still figuring out its role in American society. copyright 2003-2023 Study.com. . In many respects, his speech betrays the mentality of Massachusetts conservatives seeking to regain national leadership and advance their particular ideas about the nation. These verses recount the first occurrence of slavery. The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts while he exonerates me personally from the charge, intimates that there is a party in the country who are looking to disunion. It was motivated by a dispute over the continued sale of western lands, an important source of revenue for the federal government. I am opposed, therefore, in any shape, to all unnecessary extension of the powers, or the influence of the Legislature or Executive of the Union over the states, or the people of the states; and, most of all, I am opposed to those partial distributions of favors, whether by legislation or appropriation, which has a direct and powerful tendency to spread corruption through the land; to create an abject spirit of dependence; to sow the seeds of dissolution; to produce jealousy among the different portions of the Union, and finally to sap the very foundations of the government itself. The United States, under the Constitution and federal government, was a single, unified nation, not a coalition of sovereign states. Speech of Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina, January 27, 1830. . . . Finally, sir, the honorable gentleman says, that the states will only interfere, by their power, to preserve the Constitution. The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions Add Song of the Spinners from the Lowell Offering. Hayne began the debate by speaking out against a proposal by the northern states which suggested that the federal government should stop its surveyance of land west of the Mississippi and shift its focus to selling the land it had already surveyed. Which of the following statements best represents the desires of the Northern states during the debate of Missouri statehood? If the federal government, in all or any of its departments, are to prescribe the limits of its own authority; and the states are bound to submit to the decision, and are not to be allowed to examine and decide for themselves, when the barriers of the Constitution shall be overleaped, this is practically a government without limitation of powers; the states are at once reduced to mere petty corporations, and the people are entirely at your mercy. . Broadside Advertisement for Runaway Slave, Forcing Slavery Down the Throat of a Free-Soiler, Free & Slave-holding States and Territories. I understand him to maintain an authority, on the part of the states, thus to interfere, for the purpose of correcting the exercise of power by the general government, of checking it, and of compelling it to conform to their opinion of the extent of its powers. I say, the right of a state to annul a law of Congress, cannot be maintained, but on the ground of the unalienable right of man to resist oppression; that is to say, upon the ground of revolution. This would have been the case even if no positive provision to that effect had been inserted in that instrument. It is, sir, the peoples Constitution, the peoples government; made for the people; made by the people; and answerable to the people. These debates transformed into a national crisis when South Carolina threatened . Jackson himself would raise a national toast for 'the Union' later that year. But, sir, the gentleman is mistaken. . Two leading ideas predominated in this reply, and with respect to either Hayne was not only answered but put to silence. The Confederation was, in strictness, a compact; the states, as states, were parties to it. Foote Idea To Limit The Sale Of Public Lands In The West To New Settlers. They significantly declare, that it is time to calculate the value of the Union; and their aim seems to be to enumerate, and to magnify all the evils, real and imaginary, which the government under the Union produces. The United States' democratic process was evolving and its leaders were putting the newly ratified Constitution into practice. The answer is Daniel Webster, one of the greatest orators in US Senate history, a successful attorney and Senator from Massachusetts and a complex and enigmatic man. An equally. There is not, and never has been, a disposition in the North to interfere with these interests of the South. The great debate, which culminated in Hayne's encounter with Webster, came about in a somewhat casual way. Sir, I may be singularperhaps I stand alone here in the opinion, but it is one I have long entertained, that one of the greatest safeguards of liberty is a jealous watchfulness on the part of the people, over the collection and expenditure of the public moneya watchfulness that can only be secured where the money is drawn by taxation directly from the pockets of the people. We see its consequences at this moment, and we shall never cease to see them, perhaps, while the Ohio shall flow. Sir, when the gentleman provokes me to such a conflict, I meet him at the threshold. The main issue of the Webster-Hayne Debate was the nature of the country that had been created by the Constitution. The Webster-Hayne debate was a famous debate in the United States between Senator Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina.It happened on January 19-27, 1830. Daniel webster, in a dramatic speech, showed the. I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings, and sectional jealousies. If I had, sir, the powers of a magician, and could, by a wave of my hand, convert this capital into gold for such a purpose, I would not do it. By means of missionaries and political tracts, the scheme was in a great measure successful. But to remove all doubt it is expressly declared, by the 10th article of the amendment of the Constitution, that the powers not delegated to the states, by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.. . The Constitutional Convention: The Great Compromise, The Webster-Hayne Debate of 1830: Summary & Issues, The History of American Presidential Debates, Jonathan Edwards and the Great Awakening: Sermons & Biography, Who Was Susan B. Anthony? Sir, I cordially respond to that appeal. . We are ready to make up the issue with the gentleman, as to the influence of slavery on individual and national characteron the prosperity and greatness, either of the United States, or of particular states. Speech to the U.S. House of Representatives. . But I do not understand the doctrine now contended for to be that which, for the sake of distinctness, we may call the right of revolution. 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